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Thursday, November 7, 2024

March 2: Congressional Record publishes “SUPPORTING THE PEOPLE OF UKRAINE.....” in the House of Representatives section

Politics 5 edited

Steve Cohen was mentioned in SUPPORTING THE PEOPLE OF UKRAINE..... on pages H1247-H1254 covering the 2nd Session of the 117th Congress published on March 2 in the Congressional Record.

The publication is reproduced in full below:

SUPPORTING THE PEOPLE OF UKRAINE

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 956) to support the People of Ukraine.

The Clerk read the title of the resolution.

The text of the resolution is as follows:

H. Res. 956

Whereas, on January 21, 1990, more than 300,000 Ukrainians called for unity and independence from the Soviet Union by forming a human chain between the cities of Kyiv and Ivano- Frankivsk;

Whereas, on December 1, 1991, more than 90 percent of Ukrainian citizens voted in a national referendum in support of independence, with majorities in every region;

Whereas, on November 21, 2013, the Euromaidan protests began in favor of signing the European Union-Ukraine Association Agreement, resulting in the Revolution of Dignity and the removal of President Viktor Yanukovych by the Verkhovna Rada;

Whereas, in February and March of 2014, the Russian Federation invaded the peninsula of Crimea, illegally annexed the region, held a sham referendum, and claimed the territory to be a part of Russia;

Whereas, beginning in April 2014, the Russian Federation invaded the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Eastern Ukraine instigating violence, stoking conflict, arming separatists, and spreading disinformation on Ukrainian soil;

Whereas, on July 17, 2014, Russian soldiers or Russian separatist fighters shot down the passenger flight MH17 flying over the Donbas with a Buk surface-to-air missile provided by the Russian Federation, killing all 298 innocent passengers on board;

Whereas, since February 2015, Russia has continued to fail to live up to its agreements under the Minsk agreements and the Russian-backed war in the Donbas has claimed approximately 14,000 lives;

Whereas the Russian military conducted a large-scale buildup in and around Ukraine in March and April 2021 under the guise of military exercises, leaving significant military equipment behind;

Whereas the Russian military initiated its most recent much larger military buildup in October 2021 that culminated in approximately 190,000 forces by the time of Russia's renewed full-scale incursion on February 24, 2022;

Whereas, on February 21, 2022, the State Duma of Russia passed a bill, approved by President Vladimir Putin, to officially recognize the self-proclaimed Luhansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic as independent;

Whereas, on February 21, 2022, Vladimir Putin ordered Russian troops into the self-proclaimed Luhansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic after recognizing their independence;

Whereas the decision to recognize the self-proclaimed Luhansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic as independent and order Russian troops into that territory was not only in violation of international law, Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the Minsk agreements, but also tantamount to a declaration of war;

Whereas, on February 24, 2022, Russian forces, enabled by Belarus, launched its unprovoked full-scale renewed invasion of a peaceful, independent country, Ukraine;

Whereas, since 2014, the United States has provided

$3,100,000,000 in security assistance to Ukraine, including over $1,000,000,000 over the course of the last year,

$200,000,000 of which was approved on December 27, 2021, and

$350,000,000 of which was approved on February 26, 2022;

Whereas it is the right of all countries to decide their own future, foreign policy, and security arrangements free from outside interference or coercion;

Whereas the Russian Federation repeatedly lied about their massive buildup of military forces around Ukraine and claimed that reports Russia would invade Ukraine were hysteria;

Whereas, on February 24, 2022, the G7 issued a statement condemning the ``large-scale military aggression by the Russian Federation against the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine'';

Whereas, on February 25, 2022, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization condemned ``in the strongest possible terms Russia's horrifying attack on Ukraine'', called on Russia

``to turn back from the path of violence and aggression'', and reaffirmed an ``iron-clad'' commitment to Article 5;

Whereas the European Commission, France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and Canada joined with the United States, committed to coordinated economic sanctions, including severe restrictions, against Russia's Central Bank and full blocking sanctions against Vladimir Putin;

Whereas United States leadership is integral to nations around the world in condemning and imposing costs on the Russian Federation for its illegal, full-scale, renewed invasion;

Whereas Russian forces have targeted civilians and have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity;

Whereas, in the days since the renewed full-scale invasion began, Russian citizens have taken to the streets in cities and towns across Russia to protest Putin's illegitimate and destructive war waged against a peaceful and sovereign Ukraine; and

Whereas the United States, along with allies in Europe, the Indo-Pacific, and others around the world, has been actively responding to Russia's unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine with critical military, humanitarian, and financial support for Ukraine and the Ukrainian people: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, That the House of Representatives--

(1) demands an immediate cease-fire and the full withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukrainian territory;

(2) supports, unequivocally, Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity;

(3) backs the continued use of sanctions, in coordination with United States allies and partners, to fully isolate the Putin regime economically for its unprovoked aggression against Ukraine;

(4) urges the United States and its allies and partners to deliver additional and immediate defensive security assistance to help Ukraine address the armored, airborne, and other threats Ukraine is currently facing from Russian forces;

(5) commits to continuing to support resistance by the Ukrainian people as long as the Russian Federation continues to violate Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity;

(6) promises to continue to provide significant additional aid and humanitarian relief to Ukrainian refugees fleeing Russia's aggression, commends European partners for their efforts to relieve suffering on the ground, and urges the Russian Federation alongside United States allies and partners to guarantee safe passage out of the country;

(7) reaffirms its strong support for the security of United States allies and ironclad commitment to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO);

(8) emphasizes that NATO's relationship with Ukraine is a matter only for Ukraine and the 30 NATO allies;

(9) pledges to support working with Europe and international partners to bolster Europe's energy security and reduce its dependence on Russian energy imports;

(10) underscores the importance of maintaining United States energy independence for the benefit of the American people and United States allies;

(11) reiterates that Crimea and the territories illegally controlled by the illegitimate Russian-controlled governments in Donetsk and Luhansk are sovereign Ukrainian territory;

(12) declares that the war in Ukraine, a democratic country, is the frontline of democracy and freedom versus authoritarianism represented by Putin's Russia;

(13) supports the right of the Russian people to protest, including the current protests against Putin's unprovoked war against Ukraine, and demands the immediate release of all those who have been unjustly detained in Russia for expressing their desire for peace;

(14) comprehends that strongmen, dictators, and authoritarians are watching the world's response to Putin's war against Ukraine and learning lessons for their own aggressive actions domestically and abroad, thereby making a strong and united response important to deter the expansion of territory by the use of military force beyond this crisis;

(15) states unambiguously that it will never recognize or support any illegitimate Russian-controlled leader or government installed through the use of force, and that only the people of Ukraine can choose their leadership through free and fair democratic elections without foreign interference, intervention, or coercion;

(16) commits to ensuring the illegitimate dictator of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, is held accountable for permitting the use of Belarusian territory for, and committing Belarusian forces to, Putin's unprovoked renewed full-scale invasion against Ukraine; and

(17) stands steadfastly, staunchly, proudly, and fervently behind the Ukrainian people in their fight against the authoritarian Putin regime.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul) each will control 20 minutes.

The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.

General Leave

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on H. Res. 956.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from New York?

There was no objection.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of my resolution, which I introduced with Representative Spartz, to demonstrate bipartisan congressional support for the Ukrainian people.

Today, we are witnessing the most devastating escalation of violence on the European Continent in decades. Vladimir Putin has launched an unjustifiable, senseless war on a peaceful, sovereign nation, Ukraine. We are already seeing thousands of casualties, both Ukrainians and Russians, and hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing to the European Union.

As we speak, Putin's army is encircling Ukrainian cities, including the capital of Kyiv. His forces are bombing indiscriminately, ruthlessly killing civilians, and destroying critical infrastructure.

In his despicable and utterly false claims to denazify Ukraine, he has bombed the memorial at Babyn Yar, where, just weeks ago, Representative Spartz and I stood with other Members of Congress at the site where tens of thousands were killed in massacres during the Holocaust. The streets we walked just a few weeks ago are now a battlefield, its citizens now soldiers.

Let us be clear. This is but one person's war. This is caused by one individual by the name of Vladimir Putin. It is his war.

Ukraine, the United States, and our allies have all actively engaged in a historic diplomatic push since before Russia marched their troops into the sovereign territory of Ukraine. Nevertheless, Putin chose the path of an unprovoked war instead.

It is a peaceful Ukraine that is pleading for a cease-fire so that diplomacy and sanity can triumph over bloodshed and madness.

Just this morning, the U.N. General Assembly held an emergency session that voted overwhelmingly against Russia's aggression. This vote reaffirms the values that we stand for and unequivocally demonstrates that the world stands with Ukraine.

In this dark time, the United States has helped usher unprecedented amounts of assistance from the United States, Europe, and our allies and partners from all around the world, from North Africa to North America to the Indo-Pacific, to aid Ukraine in defense of its nation. I believe we must sustain that assistance as long as Ukrainians fight for a democratic future free from Russian oppression.

The defensive security assistance we have provided and continue to provide Ukraine to help fend off its autocratic invader is absolutely critical.

Also, it is of utmost importance that we continue to surge humanitarian aid to Ukraine and the countries in the region accepting the growing influx of refugees. As of yesterday, nearly 700,000 had left their homes, left their country to seek safety, unsure of whether they will ever again see their homes. Estimates project that that number will quickly reach into the millions, as well as those who are displaced but remain in Ukraine.

Our allies in Europe have acted admirably, so they have been accepting those fleeing the destruction. We must do our part to help them as well.

Amidst all the bloodshed, we are seeing astounding courage displayed by President Zelensky, the Ukrainian Government, and, above all, the Ukrainian people. We are also seeing the unity of the transatlantic alliance, more unified than ever in the face of Vladimir Putin's war.

The people of Ukraine must continue to hear a message of loud and clear support from us, the United States Congress. They must see that we see their suffering, that we stand with them in their fight against an authoritarian invader, and that we will continue to usher as much support to their cause as the United States can muster.

Mr. Speaker, this resolution outlines the plan and sheds an indisputable light on the atrocities the Putin regime and the Russian military are committing. It demands an immediate cease-fire and full withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukraine. It backs additional coordinated economic measures to hold Putin accountable.

It reaffirms our NATO Article 5 commitments, reaffirms Ukrainian sovereignty over Crimea and Donbas. It highlights the unprecedented global multilateral efforts the Biden administration has helped usher.

It states our commitment in the United States Congress to support the Ukrainian people throughout this terrifying ordeal and delivers perhaps the most important message a resolution can deliver right now, that the House of Representatives will never ever recognize any illegitimate government that Putin hopes to install in Ukraine. It is up to the Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian people alone to choose their political leadership and their future.

I support this resolution, and I want to offer my sincerest thanks to Representative Spartz, but also to my ranking member. We worked diligently on this resolution, to make sure that this was a bipartisan resolution. I appreciate Ranking Member McCaul for his friendship and the way that we work together now, especially on this resolution.

Democrat and Republican leadership worked collectively also. For working with me, I want to thank them. They have worked with me for what I believe is a very strong message, a unified message, to support the people of Ukraine.

It is also a unified message to Vladimir Putin, whose objective was to divide us. He would have loved to have divided us from our European allies, loved to divide us from NATO, loved to divide us from within.

But with this resolution, it becomes crystal clear: Mr. Putin, you can't win this. We are going to stand against you, and we are going to preserve democracy because that is what is at stake here.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me just thank Chairman Meeks for his leadership. This is really a historic time, not for only this Nation, but the world, for Ukraine. It is a time when we come together, not as Republicans or Democrats, but as Americans in strong support of the people of Ukraine.

I also want to thank Congresswoman Victoria Spartz, who is from Ukraine, who knows this story firsthand, and who very passionately has told her story about what it means, a country that has endured Hitler, a country that has endured Stalin, and now a country that is enduring Mr. Putin and Russian aggression.

As we stand here, Ukrainians are fighting for their country and for their very lives. Vladimir Putin has launched the largest attack in Europe since World War II.

{time} 1430

His war machine has unleashed a brutal barrage of missiles and rockets on innocent Ukrainian civilians. In fact, there are 40 miles just north of Kyiv of tanks and military weaponry that is getting ready to go in and encircle the capital city.

But the people of Ukraine are inspiring the world with their bravery in the face of this, of Putin's evil and unprovoked attack. Fathers and mothers, teachers and shop owners, taxi drivers and students are all taking up arms, making Molotov cocktails, joining Ukrainian soldiers to defend their country.

They are standing in front of the tanks, standing in front of the tanks. I have seen a child standing in front of a tank just like Tiananmen Square and the images coming out that are sent around the world so we can all witness this, this war against humanity and human rights, war crimes.

They are risking their lives to fight for freedom, and that is what this Nation stands for, freedom and democracy.

Despite the terror inflicted upon them by Putin's bombs and rockets, the Ukrainian people have courageously refused to relent. Vladimir Putin has underestimated them. He has underestimated their strength and their bravery. The resiliency of the Ukrainian people has been an inspiration, really, for the world.

We were told in our briefings, well, this will last 2 or 3 days, but they have stood up. Putin needs to understand that he has miscalculated, and this will cost him a very, very high price. He has underestimated the strength and bravery to his own peril.

So I am pleased that we are able to come together, not as Republicans or Democrats, as I said, but really, as Americans, as we should, to express and send a strong message in support of the people of Ukraine and against this tyrant and this monster who is savagely killing civilians, as I speak.

We have all seen the images of the women and the children and the refugees as they leave their fathers and husbands behind who are left to fight this war.

This resolution really does one thing: to tell the world in one united voice that the United States of America stands opposed to oppression, that we stand with the people of Ukraine, and we stand against Mr. Putin's aggression. We must ensure that Putin fails, and I believe long term, he will.

I am hopeful that today's resolution will also lead to additional constructive bipartisan steps to properly arm the Ukrainians in any way possible, as they have told us, we don't need your troops, but we need your weapons to fight against the Russians.

You know, there was a tweet that came out from a dead Russian soldier who sent a text to his mother, saying, I thought they were going to welcome us, that we were liberating them. And yet I am seeing Ukrainians and children being run over by our tanks. And he says to his mother, this is the worst thing I have ever seen.

He lies. He is deceptive. He lied to his own people that he is liberating these Ukrainians who are oppressed by the Russians. This is no liberation. This is not a liberation ceremony.

This is tyranny at its worst, and oppression. We need to continue to support them as long as even one Ukrainian citizen continues to stand up to Russia's tyranny.

As in February 1941, facing a devastating bombing campaign by the Nazis--we can see the parallels here--this is similar to Hitler invading Poland.

When they talked about the blitz, Winston Churchill made a direct plea to the United States for assistance, and it is timeless. It actually resonates today. He said, ``Put your confidence in us. . . . We shall not fail or falter; we shall not weaken or tire. Neither the sudden shock of battle, nor the long-drawn trials of vigilance and exertion will wear us down. Give us the tools, and we will finish the job.''

Mr. Speaker, this is what the Ukrainian people want. It is what they are asking for. It is what they need. It is what the United States of America and our NATO allies will deliver.

Today, facing the onslaught of Putin's missiles and tanks, the Ukrainian President, Zelensky, a most courageous leader, as we have seen, who didn't run away from his country like President Ghani. He is in the bunker right now, knowing that his very life and his survival is on the line.

He made the same plea to us, and today, we have the opportunity to tell Ukraine that we have confidence in them by supporting this measure, that we will give them the tools they need to finish the job.

So let me, once again, thank the chairman. This is when the Foreign Affairs Committee is at its best, when we come together as Americans. As Eliot Engel always said, partisanship stops at the water's edge, and I firmly believe that commitment as well.

I urge my Members to support this. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS: Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline), who just recently was walking the streets of Kyiv, talking to the people, listening to them, and their determination to preserve their democracy. Mr. David Cicilline.

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Meeks for his extraordinary leadership in this very important moment.

I rise in strong support of H. Res. 956 and in solidarity with the people of Ukraine.

On February 24, Vladimir Putin thought he was making another step toward realizing his delusional pursuit of reconstituting the U.S.S.R. when he ordered the brutal invasion of the sovereign and peaceful nation of Ukraine.

Vladimir Putin thought the Ukrainian people would give in quickly to the violence and abandon their freedoms.

Vladimir Putin thought President Zelensky would flee and capitulate to Russian demands.

Vladimir Putin thought the world would turn a blind eye toward Russian aggression.

Vladimir Putin thought wrong.

In fact, as Chairman Meeks said, we saw firsthand the determination and the will of the Ukrainian people to fight to preserve their own country and their own freedoms. They are doing that today, fighting day by day, hour by hour, to protect their country and secure a free and democratic future for themselves and their families.

The free world has rallied together to impose devastating sanctions against Russia, against the Russian economy, and to hold the Putin regime and his enablers to account for their crimes.

I strongly support this resolution, and I know the United States and its allies are united behind the people of Ukraine, behind the values of freedom and democracy and against the tyranny of a thuggish dictator, Vladimir Putin.

I thank Chairman Meeks for his extraordinary leadership and thank Ranking Member McCaul as well.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Indiana (Mrs. Spartz), the lead Republican on this resolution, who was born and raised in Ukraine. Her grandmother is still there and has told her the stories of Hitler and Stalin and how bad this situation is on the ground.

Mrs. SPARTZ. Mr. Speaker, I am very humbled to stand on the floor of this great institution with my colleagues from both sides of the aisle to co-lead this important resolution and to show that this greatest country, the leaders of the free world, are going to stand up to the atrocities and tyrannies that are happening right now.

I am very proud to have a strong, freedom-fighting Ukrainian heritage. I actually was born in the Soviet Union, when Ukraine was under that evil country.

I am so proud that strong, brave Ukrainians are willing to fight again and again to be free. It should inspire all of us. Their bravery and actions are unbelievable. It should teach us, and maybe remind us, what it means to be a free country and how hard it is to get your rights and freedoms back when you lose them. We had so many people die for our freedoms, so let's value and cherish them.

I am very happy to see that this institution, when times are tough, when we have to get together, we can get together and show our allies we will stand together and show our adversaries and enemies we will stand together. Not just stand together, but we will also lead the world.

I also want to tell the Ukrainian people that the American people are inspired and humbled. They see your struggles and pray with you and stand with you. This resolution from we, the people, from this United States Congress, is evidence of it.

I also want to tell the Russian people--I actually have some Don Cossack heritage--I know it is tough for you. I know what President Putin has done to you. It is awful. But you need to have the backbone to stand up, or we will find you in history worse than you could imagine. So you stand up and stop this atrocity before it causes more damage. What is happening there on the ground, it is not a war. It is slaughtering, killing of the Ukrainian people. You are killing your fellow Orthodox Christians and East Slavs, and they went through history with oppression and suppression. How can you stand with that? I know that your propaganda is strong. I know they tell you things that are awful. But open your eyes. Don't be part of it. Tell your government that they have to stop this elimination and extinction of people.

I also want to thank everyone here in this country for loving freedoms, for supporting freedoms, and being willing to be part of this challenge on the right side. Our actions should be decisive. In times like this, they require strong leadership and strong actions.

We, as an independent branch of our Government--I always say we are co-equal, but first among equals because we do have the power of the purse and the power of war. So we have a lot of powers for a reason, and that is why our Founding Fathers gave us this power, because we are the people who should put pressure on our President to be more decisive and strong and have some stronger actions.

On sanctions, we have to be tougher. We need to go after the energy sector. We need to make sure that a lot of oligarchs that are not on the list are there, they should be on the list, the key oligarchs. They understand that it is not just the Russian people that will be feeling the pain, that already they suppressed and stole money from them, but they will start feeling the pain.

We also need to make sure that we will have a way to affect the financial system much more decisively.

We also need to make sure that these war crimes are going to go to international courts, and these people that make decisions on killing, on genocide, and using illegal weapons will also bear some responsibility.

{time} 1445

I also think we have a responsibility to provide safe passage in the humanitarian corridor, and I hope we will have other allies working with us and help us on that.

But most important, we need to make sure that we will provide proper defensive legal aid to the Ukrainians that they can defend themselves from this extermination before it is too late. We must act, and I am very honored to be part of this effort to show that we are willing to lead as this institution.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas

(Mr. Allred), who was walking the streets of Ukraine with us just a few weeks ago.

Mr. ALLRED. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support this bipartisan resolution supporting the people of Ukraine.

As the chairman said, I was in Ukraine just a few weeks ago, in the beautiful city of Kyiv. I met the very people who today, despite facing a ruthless enemy, are waging an inspiring campaign to save their democracy, including a young woman who told me she was going to get her white wine and Kalashnikov and defend her country. And she is.

This resolution tells the world, and most importantly the Ukrainian people, that the United States Congress stands with you. President Biden has used every tool at his disposal to unite the world in punishing Vladimir Putin for his unprovoked and unjustified war, and Congress will act to provide more resources to that effort.

Because our work continues to further help Ukraine defend itself and further isolate Russia. Putin has a choice: To pursue his long-term strategic goals or to continue this unnecessary and illegal war on Ukraine. He cannot do both.

We are united as a country and as a Congress in standing with the people of Ukraine in their fight for their democracy. I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes.''

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and one of the longest serving Members of Congress as well.

Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, over the weekend I met with over 100 Ukrainian Americans in my district office in Freehold, New Jersey. They told me how their families and friends in Ukraine are coping with Putin's barbaric invasion, the loss of life, the many who are wounded, and their escalating concern as the bombs and missiles rain down on civilian targets.

According to UNHCR, about 876,000 Ukrainian refugees have left, that is as of March 1st, and about half have found safety in Poland. Most are women, children, and the elderly.

Despite facing an existential threat, the free world continues to be astonished by the Ukrainian people's strength, courage, resiliency, and desire to fight. Interviews coming out of Ukraine, especially in the bunkers, underscores the Ukrainian people's resolve.

Let me just say how great it is to see Zelensky, who has stood up. He is a true hero and a tenacious leader, the President of Ukraine. This is Putin's war, and he is a war criminal, Mr. Speaker. Putin's puppet in Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, is also a war criminal, and like Serbian Slobodan Milosevic and President Charles Taylor of Liberia, they need to be prosecuted and held to account for their war crimes.

I would remind my colleagues that in a 2014 speech, right here, to a joint session of the Congress, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko did ask the Obama administration for military assistance, which he did not get, to defend against Putin's invasion of Crimea. He said, ``One cannot win the war with blankets.''

He got several standing ovations, all of us were on our feet. But he got only more blankets. Let's learn from that.

Last June, as Russia deployed more combat forces on the border, Politico and others reported that there were delays in providing the kind of military aid that Zelensky really wanted. I did ask Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman today for a timeline, on how did this all come about. Did he ask for more and did not get it? We need to know this to learn from it, so we get it right the next time.

Mr. Speaker, over the weekend I met with over one hundred Ukrainian Americans at my district office in Freehold.

They told me how their families and friends in Ukraine are coping with Putin's barbaric invasion--the loss of life, the wounded and escalating concern as bombs & missiles rain down on civilian targets.

They appealed for help.

The humanitarian crisis is exploding--both inside the country and for those seeking refuge.

As of March 1st, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees

(UNHCR)--there are more than 876,000 Ukrainian refugees--with about half finding safety in Poland.

Most are women, children, and the elderly.

Despite facing an existential threat, however, the free world continues to be astonished by the Ukrainian people's strength, courage, resiliency and desire to fight.

Interviews coming out of Ukraine--including in bunkers--underscore the Ukrainian people's resolve.

Under their extraordinarily heroic and tenacious leader--President Volodymyr Zelensky--the people of Ukraine are rallying to defend their beloved homeland.

This is Putin's war--and he is a war criminal.

Putin's puppet in Belarus--Alexander Lukashenko--is also a war criminal.

And like Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic and President Charles Taylor of Liberia, they need to be prosecuted and held to account for war crimes.

Now more than ever, the United States and our allies must provide much-needed military equipment and humanitarian aid to the people of Ukraine as they fight to defend their freedom from a brutal dictatorship.

I would remind my colleagues that in a 2014 speech to a joint session of the U.S. Congress, Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko asked the Obama Administration for military assistance--which he didn't get--to defend against Putin's invasion of Crimea and said ``One cannot win the war with blankets''.

He got several standing ovations--and more blankets.

Last June, as Russia deployed more combat forces on Ukraine's border, Politico and others reported that a modest military aid package had been put on hold. Key items under consideration for the package included short-range air defense systems, small arms and more anti-tank weapons . . .''

Robust stockpiles of weapons could have bought deterrence--and if necessary, a means for the Ukrainians to defend themselves from Putin's violence.

At a Foreign Affairs hearing earlier today, I asked Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman what Ukrainian President Zelensky asked for over the past year--including air defense systems--and what he did or didn't get from the Biden Administration?

Her response may come in a closed door hearing next week.

Comprehensive economic sanctions must degrade Putin's capacity to wage war.

Some highly efficacious sanctions have not yet been imposed, however.

Russian oil revenues help fuel Putin's aggression in Ukraine. Not a drop of Russian oil exports should reach our shores.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas

(Mr. Castro), the chair of the Subcommittee on International Development, International Organizations, and Global Corporate Social Impact.

Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 956 to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Earlier today, the United Nations General Assembly voted overwhelmingly to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine and demand an immediate withdrawal of their forces from Ukraine.

Only four nations out of 193 stood with Russia. 140 stood with Ukraine. The world is united in condemning this invasion, and the House of Representatives must speak as one and lead the way.

As we debate, Russian attacks on Ukrainian civilians continue. Hundreds of thousands huddle in bomb shelters. Over 600,000 Ukrainians have already fled the country. Vladimir Putin is on a disastrous quest to rebuild the Russian empire at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty.

This should be a simple vote.

Now is our chance to show that Congress stands with the people of Ukraine. Now is our time to do what is right. That is why I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, Central Asia, and Nonproliferation.

Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I also want to thank Chairman Meeks and Representative Spartz for their leadership on this very important measure.

Last week, the world watched in horror as Vladimir Putin shattered the peace in Europe and began an unprovoked assault on Ukraine and its innocent people. Put simply, this is the largest land war in Europe since World War II, a war that we hoped would never come again. We cannot condemn this senseless, brutal, and illegal invasion in strong enough terms.

In the face of this onslaught, the Ukrainian people are demonstrating incredible bravery as Russia brings to bear its overwhelming military firepower, at least in terms of soldiers and weaponry and equipment. But in terms of the combatants on the ground, one side is fighting for conquest. The other side is fighting for their homes and their families, and most importantly, their freedom.

Thus far, at least, freedom is prevailing. The Ukrainians, and President Zelensky especially, are rallying the free world and demonstrating once again that free men and women would rather die than submit to the forces of tyranny.

As we stand here today to support the people of Ukraine, let us remember that their fight for freedom is far from over. We must ensure that they get the support that they need, that Putin is held accountable for his war crimes--and they are war crimes--and that he does not snuff out forever the light of democracy in Ukraine because that is what he wants to do. Freedom must prevail.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), the president of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, who has seen with his own eyes the unity that we now have with our NATO allies.

Mr. CONNOLLY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the distinguished chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and my friend, the distinguished ranking member.

Today is a test for liberal democracy all over the world, and particularly for us as Americans because today we witness the cost in blood, sweat, and tears in the fight for freedom that liberal democracy represents and provides: The simple desire of another people to have what we have and that all too often we take for granted, the desire to be a free people, under no one's shadow, under no one's yoke, and they are willing to put their bodies on the line to fight for that simple principle.

Weak punditry all too often has cast the opinion that liberal democracy is on the decline. Well, not in Ukraine and not here. And not with our allies and not at the United Nations. Because the scales have fallen from eyes. The threat is real, and so are the stakes.

All of us today must be Ukrainian. All of us must join that fight. All of us must understand that freedom, liberal democracy are resilient but also fragile. They must always be perfected but also defended.

This resolution today is not just about an expression of congressional solidarity. It is a recommitment by this body in the principles that founded this Nation that another people are fighting for to gain today.

I urge passage and proudly support this effort.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from the great State of Texas (Mr. Pfluger), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. PFLUGER. Mr. Speaker, today is a sad day, a tragic day, as we witness the horrific images that are coming out of Ukraine.

I was there just 4\1/2\ short weeks ago. I met with President Zelensky. I listened to the people on the streets of Kyiv. President Zelensky is a lion of a leader. He has displayed courage to the West. When he said, ``I don't need a ride, I need ammunition,'' I think that all of us should look at that, we should listen to that. The time to act is now. We don't have time to wait. Now is the time to act to help our Ukrainian partners. He didn't ask for troops inside Ukraine. He is asking for help.

I hope that we will put Midland over Moscow, as the President last night in this Chamber said that it is time to buy American product. Energy security is national security, and that is absolutely what this body should be doing is putting our own energy security into the hands of our partners and allies so that they can defend and deter against the malign influence of Vladimir Putin.

Our heart and our prayers go out to the people of Ukraine, and our thanks to President Zelensky for his leadership.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Ohio

(Ms. Kaptur), the cofounder and co-chair of the Ukraine Caucus, who has worked on this her entire congressional career.

Ms. KAPTUR. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Meeks for his unyielding leadership on this important bill and Ranking Member McCaul for setting a tone for this entire Congress that we succeed when we work together, particularly in a cause as great as this, liberty for a country that voted for independence. Thirty years ago, 90 percent of the people voted to be independent of tyrannical Russia, and today now they are fighting again.

The bipartisan nature of this bill today would warm the hearts of great American leaders, like President and General Dwight D. Eisenhower or General George Marshall or President John Kennedy or President Ronald Reagan, because across Europe they fully understood how many American lives were given to the cause of liberty so that we, their descendants, would pass it on to our descendants.

We are here today in that fight because Ukraine is the scrimmage line for liberty in Europe today. The valor of the people of Ukraine against the Russian state is extraordinary. Our young people are learning what the price of liberty is, sadly, and the people of Ukraine are inspiring the world. We think so much of their valor, their fight, and their desire to join the world of free nations. May God bless them and may God bless America, and thank you for understanding a united America always wins for liberty.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a dynamic Representative from the great State of Texas.

{time} 1500

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, and I rise enthusiastically to support H. Res. 956 and as well to make mention of H. Res. 943 that was introduced by myself and Steve Cohen on February 25.

Let me salute this resolution that is bipartisan that immediately calls on a ceasefire by Putin. This is Putin's war. H. Res. 943 has been affirmed by its call for the shutting down of our airways to Russian carriers, and that has been done.

But the real point is that we are now standing firmly for democracy and the fight of individual grandmothers and young people and individual Ukrainians with their bare hands and with their weapons that have been given to fight for democracy. But the real question that we are also standing for, and thank you for the United Nations vote, is that Vladimir Putin is a war criminal who is killing children.

Mitka, a parliamentarian that I met at the OSCE of which we were a part of meeting in Lithuania and Vienna, talking to the soldiers that were on the border of Belarus and Lithuania--thank you to those soldiers that are now placed, almost 100,000 U.S. soldiers--is that Putin is killing without cause. He is killing grandmothers. He is killing children. Can we tolerate this bloodshed? No, we will not. And we will stand with this resolution to demand that democracy stands in the region and that we denounce his actions.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Res. 956, a resolution condemning the unprovoked aggression and invasion ordered by Vladimir Putin, the authoritarian head of the Russian Federation against the sovereign nation of Ukraine and supporting the right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, including their country's relationship with other nations and international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries.

I thank the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Congressman Meeks of New York, for introducing this bipartisan resolution and urge all Members to support it to show the solidarity of the people of the United States with the people of Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution because it calls upon and commends the Biden Administration to honor and abide by the commitments undertaken by the United States pursuant to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Washington, District of Columbia, on April 4, 1949, and entered into force on August 24, 1949.

The resolution also commits this body to the promotion and protection of democratic values, transparent and accountable government institutions, and support for needed economic structural reforms in Ukraine, including in the fiscal, energy, pension, and banking sectors, among others.

The resolution also calls upon and commends the Biden Administration for assembling and working with an international coalition of the world's leading nations to ensure that all nations refuse to recognize the illegal invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation and to ensure that the Russian Federation is held accountable and sustain maximum economic damage from the imposition of sanctions as a consequence of its utter disregard for international law and norms.

I am particularly pleased that the Biden Administration has adopted the recommendation advanced in H. Res. 943, a resolution I introduced on February 25, 2002 condemning this unprovoked attack by the Russian Federation, to ban all Russian airlines, including Aeroflot, from entering the airspace of the United States or landing on its soil.

The United States is strongly committed to the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine.

The United States strongly supports efforts to assist Ukraine to defend its territory against military aggression by the Russian Federation and by separatist and paramilitary forces.

Ukraine was the second-most populous and powerful of the fifteen republics of the former and disintegrated Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the hub of the union's agricultural production, defense industries, and military arsenal.

In the three decades since gaining its independence, Ukraine has sought to forge its own path as a sovereign state and sought closer economic, social, and political ties with the free market and democratic nations of the West.

Since 2013, the Russian Federation has undertaken a campaign of political, economic, and military aggression against Ukraine, including the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, a civilian airliner, by Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists using a Russian-made missile taking the lives of all 298 innocent persons on board.

In February 2014, the military of the Russia Federation, without merit or cause, invaded the eastern part of the free and independent country of Ukraine, including the Crimean Peninsula, and backed a separatist insurgency in the Donbass region in eastern Ukraine, where fighting has killed over 14,000 people.

The United States, a strategic ally of Ukraine, reacted swiftly to the Russian invasion, condemning the military action in strong and bipartisan fashion, and providing military, humanitarian, and non-

military financial assistance to the determined but beleaguered nation of Ukraine, which since 2014 has totaled approximately $1.5 billion.

On September 14, 2014, the House of Representatives adopted H. Res. 726, a resolution supporting the right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, including their country's relationship with other nations and international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries, and committed itself to solidarity with the people of Ukraine.

Interference and unprovoked aggressions by the Russia Federation ordered and led by Vladimir Putin continued unabated, including the mobilization and stationing of 150,000 Russian troops surrounding Ukraine and armed forces positioned in Belarus to attack Ukraine from the north, including war planes and offensive missile systems, and the movement of Russian naval vessels in the Black Sea to Ukraine's south, including amphibious assault ships, missile cruisers, and submarines, and the positioning of blood and medical equipment into position on their border.

Vladimir Putin sought authorization from the Russian parliament to use military force outside of Russian territory by staging a fraudulent on-camera meeting of his Security Council to grandstand for the Russian public and by recognizing sovereign Ukrainian territory as so-called independent republics in clear violation, again, of international law, all of which was intended to set the stage for further pretexts and further provocations by Russia Federation to make further aggressions against Ukraine by military action.

Vladimir Putin rejected every good-faith effort the United States and its allies and partners made to address mutual security concerns through dialogue to avoid needless conflict and avert human suffering.

On February 23, 2022, the Russia Federation military, at the direction of Vladimir Putin, began a premeditated brutal assault on the people of Ukraine without provocation, without justification, without necessity, making outlandish, false, and baseless claims that Ukraine was about to invade and launch a war against Russia and that Ukraine was prepared to use chemical weapons, and that Ukraine had committed a genocide.

These actions were taken by Vladimir Putin at the very moment that the United Nations Security Council was meeting to stand up for Ukraine's sovereignty to stave off invasion, culminating in missile strikes on historic cities across Ukraine, followed by air raids and the invasion of Russian tanks and troops.

Mr. Speaker, through this resolution the United States strongly condemns and opposes the unprovoked invasion and egregious act of aggression against sovereign state of Ukraine by the Russian Federation, the most provocative and destabilizing act of foreign aggression since the 1938 invasion of the Sudetenland by the Third Reich led by Adolph Hitler.

I ask all members to join me in voting for H. Res. 956 to support the right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, including their country's relationship with other nations and international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas

(Mr. Green), a dynamic Representative.

Mr. GREEN of Texas. And still I rise, Mr. Speaker. And I rise on this historic occasion to compliment the chairperson and the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee. What they are doing today will be hailed in the annals of history as that which was necessary to help our friends in a time of need.

Mr. Speaker, those who say that if we leave the world alone, the world will leave us alone are wrong. The world will find its way to our door just as it is now because Dr. King's words are so right. Life is an inescapable network of mutuality tied to a single garment of destiny. What impacts one directly impacts all indirectly. What is happening to Ukraine directly impacts us indirectly.

We have a duty, a responsibility, and an obligation to help them and to make sure that when the final word is written, it will be said that we did all that we could to protect democracy.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished majority leader of the United States House of Representatives.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the chairman of this committee, for yielding. We have traveled in various parts of the world together. We have seen pain, and we have seen progress. We are seeing pain now, and all I can say with respect to the remarks that were just made by the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), amen.

I thank Mr. McCaul for his working not as a Republican, and I thank Mr. Meeks not as a Democrat, but as Americans, Americans confronted with a crisis, a crisis for democracy, a crisis for the global community. I thank them both because they have, in the best traditions of this House and of this country, worked together to bring to the floor a resolution, which, indeed, speaks to the pain and to the moral responsibility of all those who love freedom and democracy.

Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, as Russian missiles rained down on the cities of his country, Ukraine's heroic President, President Zelensky, virtually addressed the European Parliament in Brussels.

Mr. Speaker, President Zelensky spoke of a horrendous missile attack that had just struck the main square of the besieged city of Kharkiv.

``This,'' he said, is ``the largest square in Europe . . . it is called

`freedom square.' '' He went on to say: ``And believe you me, in every square today, no matter what it is called, it is going to be called

`freedom square.' In every city of our country. Nobody is going to break us. We are strong.''

Frankly, Mr. Speaker, he didn't have to tell us that. We have seen that strength. We have seen that courage. We have seen that determination in the face of overwhelming force confronting them.

These past 7 days, the people of Ukraine have indeed shown the world they are strong, they are courageous, they are united, and they are resolved to defend their freedom and their democracy.

Mr. Speaker, I served as co-chairman of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, otherwise known as the Helsinki Commission, for 10 years from 1985 to 1995. It was a historic time where democracy won the Cold War. It was in the final years of that Cold War that Ukraine in the nineties emerged and was guaranteed essentially by the international community, but certainly by Russia and the United States, that they would be a sovereign nation not just in the east but in the west as well.

I had the opportunity, Mr. Speaker, to travel to Kyiv, to Riga, to Vilnius, to Tallinn, to Sofia, to other cities behind the Iron Curtain on a relatively regular basis during those 10 years, certainly in the 6 years from 1985 to 1991. In each place I saw a ``freedom square'' where either before or shortly after my visit people would gather to demand the right to choose their own future, their own leaders, and their own laws.

I saw in many others who traveled to those cities and to those countries a yearning, I saw the commitment to democracy, their courage and determination.

President Zelensky is correct: ``Wherever democracy thrives, every public square is a `freedom square.' '' It may have another name, but it is a ``freedom square.''

Americans have sacrificed much over the generations to secure our freedoms and to our great credit the freedom of others around the world.

I tell people, Mr. Speaker, that America is the nation that had the most hegemony of power and used it so without acquiring the nations that it protected or imposing its will on the nations that it protected which is the least acquisitive superpower in the history of the world.

Americans have sacrificed much over the generations to secure our freedoms and the freedoms of others. The land of the free and the home of the brave.

Now, the tyranny and autocracy of Vladimir Putin tests us again.

Though American forces will not be engaged directly in this war, that does not mean that America is sitting on the sidelines. Far from it. And we must be engaged. This resolution speaks to engagement.

President Biden has unified not only NATO but a broad coalition of the world's democratic nations and those committed to the post-war order of respecting peace, borders, and, yes, diplomacy.

Dozens of nations have partnered to stand up to Putin and to support the freedom fighters in Ukraine. Together, we have imposed punishing sanctions that are already hurting Putin's regime.

We are already seeing thousands of Russians taking to the streets in their country to demand that Putin end this unjust war, this unprovoked war, this criminal war, and stop the unnecessary death and destruction on both sides for which Vladimir Putin alone bears responsibility.

Today, this House, the people's House representing the greatest democracy in history, the leading democratic nation in the world, is expressing our support for the Ukrainian people in their struggle for freedom and self-government.

I hope and I urge that this resolution pass with not a single negative vote. Let there be no mistake throughout the globe that, yes, we have differences between Republicans and Democrats, but we in this House are all Americans committed to freedom, committed to democracy, committed to the peaceful relations between nations.

It recognizes the egregious and inhumane actions undertaken by the Russian military at Putin's command, including the shelling of civilian targets and the killing of innocents in order to instill fear and weaken Ukrainian resolve.

We know that resolve, however, Mr. Speaker, will not be broken. We have seen it in the eyes of the President, and we have seen it in the eyes of the citizens in those freedom squares.

This resolution further recognizes importantly that Russian aggression against Ukraine did not begin last week. It began as soon as the Ukrainian people rejected a Putin-backed autocrat, established a true democracy, and sought the security and protection of stronger bonds with its fellow democracies in Europe and NATO, which, of course, it had every right as a sovereign nation to do.

Putin sent his forces to occupy Crimea. Mr. Speaker, in my view we were not as determined that that should not happen at that time. We must not repeat that mistake. Putin instigated a violent, separatist uprising in the Donbas region that has festered for 8 long years.

His unprovoked and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine comes after it became increasingly clear that the separatists could not achieve Putin's expansionist aims on their own. He tried to do it surreptitiously through agents. It did not succeed, so he took the next step, a tragic, criminal step.

This resolution also makes clear that the United States will continue to support Ukraine by providing both military and humanitarian assistance while maintaining painful sanctions against Putin for as long as he pursues this war of choice.

In no small part, this resolution puts into action the promise that President Kennedy made when he took office at the height of the Cold War.

This will not be a free war for any of us in the free world. It is going to cost us something. Gas prices may go up. But we want to stand on freedom's side.

I am in politics largely because John Kennedy ran for President as I was at the University of Maryland, and I was inspired by his call to service.

I would urge all of you to read one more time John Kennedy's inaugural address. It is an extraordinarily inspiring address, an address not only to the American people, but to the entire world. And in it he said this: ``Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty,'' and of those freedom squares to which President Zelensky referred.

{time} 1515

Mr. Speaker, Americans and our allies are being asked to pay a price, to bear a burden, to meet some hardship in the days and weeks and months ahead, not to sustain fire, not to live in buildings being bombed, not to have to move from their home to a refuge or another country, but some hardship.

I know that our fellow Americans are up to the task. They have always been up to the task because those who say we take freedom for granted, who say the cost is too high, the burden too great, have always underestimated the American people.

When we see Putin's corrupt, evil, and menacing grab for power and tyrannical control, we are reminded of the tyrants and evil ideologies that Americans have fought and vanquished through our collective commitment and shared sacrifices.

Mr. Speaker, today, let us make this House Freedom Square. Let us stand with those who are assaulted by a tyrant.

The generation before mine, John Kennedy referred to England as ``Why England Slept.'' If we do not meet this tyrant now, we will pay greatly later.

I urge my colleagues to stand with these brave Ukrainians who stand for freedom and liberty and international law. Let us all overwhelmingly, unanimously vote for this resolution and send a message, not just to Putin but to all the tyrants of the world who would test us once again, that we will not blink.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the leader for his remarks. I think it is very important this Chamber passes this resolution unanimously to send one voice to Putin that the American people stand for the Ukrainian people and against Mr. Putin.

I think it is no coincidence--to me, it is fitting--that today is Texas Independence Day. My forefathers fought for freedom and liberty for the same purpose, from tyranny.

Since 2014, the world has watched the Ukrainian people fight to forge their own destiny in the face of violent attacks by Russia. They are facing down Putin's missiles and tanks, risking life and limb for their freedom today.

As President Zelensky warned the Russian troops invading his country just a few days ago, as he sits in the bunker, putting his life on the line, he said: ``If they try to take our country, our freedom, our lives, the lives of our children, we will be defending ourselves. . . . As you attack, it will be our faces you see, not our backs.''

Today, we have the opportunity to honor his leadership and the bravery of the Ukrainian people, to send a strong message to these brave men and women that they are not alone, that the United States stands with them and will continue to stand with them for as long as it takes.

Mr. Speaker, again, I urge my colleagues to vote in support, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the camera of history is rolling on all of us today. What is happening today children yet unborn will be studying and looking at what we did, what we stood for, or did not. They will be studying in their history books whether or not when democracy was at stake, when sovereign nations were in peril, whether or not we stood up and stood out to protect freedom, sovereignty of states, independence, or not.

The fact of the matter is, if we don't stand up now, those same children that I am talking about may not be able to live in a democratic society. That is why this is so important.

Putin may think that he is encircling Kyiv now, but this United Nations vote, where 141 nations said they are not going to allow that to happen, is encircling Putin and his thugs. And we will stay there for as long as it takes until freedom rings because that is what this is all about.

I think of today those that I met when I was in Kyiv, those that I had dinner with, those that worked in our U.S. Embassy, those that were driving taxis. As I see the pictures of them walking these streets today in front of Russian tanks, unafraid--I saw a picture of a woman standing and pointing at a Russian soldier, saying they would die there before she gives up. That is what this is all about.

The words that the activist told me while I was in Kyiv, that we are ready to fight, just provide us the support that we need to protect our country and freedom.

Slava Ukraini. Glory to Ukraine and its people.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. McCaul and Congresswoman Spartz for working with me so that we can make a bipartisan message right here on the people's floor.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks) that the House suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 956.

The question was taken.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.

Mr. MEEKS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to section 3(s) of House Resolution 8, the yeas and nays are ordered.

The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 426, nays 3, not voting 4, as follows:

YEAS--426

Adams Aderholt Aguilar Allen Allred Amodei Armstrong Arrington Auchincloss Axne Babin Bacon Baird Balderson Banks Barr Barragan Bass Beatty Bentz Bera Bergman Beyer Bice (OK) Biggs Bilirakis Bishop (GA) Bishop (NC) Blumenauer Blunt Rochester Boebert Bonamici Bourdeaux Bowman Boyle, Brendan F. Brady Brooks Brown (MD) Brown (OH) Brownley Buchanan Buck Bucshon Budd Burchett Burgess Bush Bustos Calvert Cammack Carbajal Cardenas Carey Carl Carson Carter (GA) Carter (LA) Carter (TX) Cartwright Case Casten Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Cawthorn Chabot Cheney Cherfilus-McCormick Chu Cicilline Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Cleaver Cline Cloud Clyburn Clyde Cohen Cole Comer Connolly Cooper Correa Costa Courtney Craig Crawford Crenshaw Crist Crow Cuellar Curtis Davids (KS) Davidson Davis, Danny K. Davis, Rodney Dean DeFazio DeGette DeLauro DelBene Delgado Demings DeSaulnier DesJarlais Deutch Diaz-Balart Dingell Doggett Donalds Doyle, Michael F. Duncan Dunn Ellzey Emmer Escobar Eshoo Espaillat Estes Evans Fallon Feenstra Ferguson Fischbach Fitzgerald Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Fletcher Fortenberry Foster Foxx Frankel, Lois Franklin, C. Scott Fulcher Gaetz Gallagher Gallego Garamendi Garbarino Garcia (CA) Garcia (IL) Garcia (TX) Gibbs Gimenez Gohmert Golden Gomez Gonzales, Tony Gonzalez (OH) Gonzalez, Vicente Good (VA) Gooden (TX) Gottheimer Granger Graves (LA) Graves (MO) Green (TN) Green, Al (TX) Greene (GA) Griffith Grijalva Grothman Guest Guthrie Harder (CA) Harris Harshbarger Hartzler Hayes Hern Herrell Herrera Beutler Hice (GA) Higgins (LA) Higgins (NY) Hill Himes Hinson Hollingsworth Horsford Houlahan Hoyer Hudson Huffman Huizenga Issa Jackson Jackson Lee Jacobs (CA) Jacobs (NY) Jayapal Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson (LA) Johnson (OH) Johnson (SD) Johnson (TX) Jones Jordan Joyce (OH) Joyce (PA) Kahele Kaptur Katko Keating Keller Kelly (IL) Kelly (MS) Kelly (PA) Khanna Kildee Kilmer Kim (CA) Kim (NJ) Kind Kinzinger Kirkpatrick Krishnamoorthi Kuster Kustoff LaHood LaMalfa Lamb Lamborn Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Latta LaTurner Lawrence Lawson (FL) Lee (CA) Lee (NV) Leger Fernandez Lesko Letlow Levin (CA) Levin (MI) Lieu Lofgren Long Loudermilk Lowenthal Lucas Luetkemeyer Luria Lynch Mace Malinowski Malliotakis Maloney, Carolyn B. Maloney, Sean Mann Manning Mast Matsui McBath McCarthy McCaul McClain McClintock McCollum McEachin McGovern McHenry McKinley McNerney Meeks Meijer Meng Meuser Mfume Miller (IL) Miller (WV) Miller-Meeks Moolenaar Mooney Moore (AL) Moore (UT) Moore (WI) Morelle Moulton Mrvan Mullin Murphy (FL) Murphy (NC) Nadler Napolitano Neal Neguse Nehls Newhouse Newman Norcross Norman O'Halleran Obernolte Ocasio-Cortez Omar Owens Palazzo Pallone Palmer Panetta Pappas Pascrell Payne Pelosi Pence Perlmutter Perry Peters Pfluger Phillips Pingree Pocan Porter Posey Pressley Quigley Raskin Reed Reschenthaler Rice (NY) Rice (SC) Rodgers (WA) Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rose Ross Rouzer Roy Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Rutherford Ryan Salazar Sanchez Sarbanes Scalise Scanlon Schakowsky Schiff Schneider Schrader Schrier Schweikert Scott (VA) Scott, Austin Scott, David Sessions Sewell Sherman Sherrill Simpson Sires Slotkin Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smith (WA) Smucker Soto Spanberger Spartz Speier Stansbury Stanton Stauber Steel Stefanik Steil Steube Stevens Stewart Strickland Suozzi Swalwell Takano Tenney Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Thompson (PA) Tiffany Timmons Titus Tlaib Tonko Torres (CA) Torres (NY) Trahan Trone Turner Underwood Upton Valadao Van Drew Van Duyne Vargas Veasey Vela Velazquez Wagner Walberg Walorski Waltz Wasserman Schultz Waters Watson Coleman Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Welch Wenstrup Westerman Wexton Wild Williams (GA) Williams (TX) Wilson (FL) Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Yarmuth Young Zeldin

NAYS--3

Gosar Massie Rosendale

NOT VOTING--4

Bost Butterfield Price (NC) Taylor

____________________

SOURCE: Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 38

The Congressional Record is a unique source of public documentation. It started in 1873, documenting nearly all the major and minor policies being discussed and debated.

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